David Cameron’s A-list was a key part of his strategy to modernize the UK Conservative Party after he became leader in 2005.

How it worked:

Creation of a priority list:

• The A-list was a list of around 100 top Conservative candidates who were deemed most desirable by the party leadership.
• The list was heavily composed of women, ethnic minority candidates, and people from non-traditional Conservative backgrounds (e.g., public sector, charity work, etc.)
• Some candidates had limited political experience but were seen as fresh faces with potential appeal to a broader electorate.

Targeted for Safe Seats:

• Local Conservative associations (which traditionally select their own candidates) were strongly encouraged—though not formally required—to pick their candidates from the A-list, especially for winnable or safe Conservative seats.
• In practice, this created pressure on local associations to choose more diverse candidates, although it met with resistance in some areas.

Selection and Training:

• A-list candidates were given additional support and training.
• The idea was to “fast-track” them into Parliament and make the party’s Parliamentary ranks more reflective of modern Britain.

The A-list played a significant role in broadening the image of the Conservative Party.

In the 2010 general election, which brought the Conservatives back into power (in coalition with the Lib Dems), 49 female Conservative MPs were elected, a significant increase from just 17 in 2005.

However, progress has slowed over time – today women account for approximately 24% of Conservative MPs in the House of Commons.

Arguments for

A deliberately centralised approach to selecting more women could be an effective and more accountable way of promoting women within the Party.

Arguments Against

Although it made a short-term impact, the A-list alone did not transform the broader candidate selection culture in the Conservative Party in the long term.

A more centralised approach would undercut the role of local preselectors and Party members, reducing the appeal of joining and becoming involved in the Liberal Party.

Centralised ‘list’ models are more effective in jurisdictions like the UK where there is generally less onus on the MP to have strong local connections to their constituencies, or in proportional representative systems like New Zealand.

In Australian elections, being able to demonstrate a strong local connection to, and understanding of, an electorate is necessary for electoral success.